Memorandum by Professor Sarah Cowley (HI
76)
THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE NHS TO REDUCING HEALTH
INEQUALITIES
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1.1 The purpose of this evidence is to draw
the attention of the committee to a small of piece of research
that is just complete, but not yet published, which has relevance
to the remit of this enquiry. This study is focused on the distribution
and implementation of health visiting services in relation to
area deprivation.
1.2 The major questions facing the committee
are whether the NHS has a role in reducing health inequalities,
given their social aetiology, and if so how. Although this study
is focused on one occupational group and health need, it is argued
that it provides valuable insight into the barriers faced within
the NHS as a whole, in implementing its role in reducing health
inequalities.
1.3 Evidence is provided showing that health
visiting service provision is unrelated to areas of deprivation,
although individual practitioners appear to focus efforts on the
most deprived clients on their caseloads.
1.4 In conclusion, key areas of interest
to this enquiry are highlighted, suggesting
there is an absence of any NHS imperative
to provide preventive or health promoting services
there is a widespread and erroneous
belief in the NHS, that curative, treatment services are a good
substitute for skilled public health, preventive services.
Joint targets do not automatically
lead to consistency in service planning.
Evidence of need and of suitable
interventions for reducing inequalities are lacking across the
NHS
Measures of effectiveness in tackling
inequalities are badly needed.
2. BACKGROUND
2.1 The purpose of this evidence is to draw
the attention of the committee to a small of piece of research
that is just complete, but not yet published, which has relevance
to the remit of this enquiry. This study is focused on the distribution
and implementation of health visiting services in relation to
area deprivation.
2.2 The major questions facing the committee
are whether the NHS has a role in reducing health inequalities,
given their social aetiology, and if so how. Although this study
is focused on one occupational group and health need, it is argued
that it provides valuable insight into the barriers faced within
the NHS as a whole, in implementing its role in reducing health
inequalities.
2.3 Evidence about the distribution, nature
and causes of health inequalities far exceeds the amount of knowledge
and information about what can be done to reduce them. However,
there is national[211],
[212]
and international[213]
agreement that the most effective actions include the provision
of support to parents (particularly mothers) and young children.
2.4 Health visitors were the only occupational
group named in Acheson's Independent Review of Inequalities in
Health, with a recommendation that their role be strengthened.
This has not happened; their numbers have fallen (see Figure 1).
The latest published DH figures[214]
relate to September 2006; they show a dramatic fall in numbers
of health visitors, and an ageing workforce.
2.5 This fall in numbers has inhibited health
visitors' preventive remit, as shown in a national survey of their
activities (see below)[215],
and a recent government review recommended limiting their remit
to two focused roles[216]
instead of the former broad and inclusive remit.
Figure 1: Health visiting workforce 1997-2006
3. THE SURVEY
3.1 The D-SCOVOR (Determining future directions
for health visiting: a Scoping Census Of health Visitor Registrants)
survey of 15% of health visitors registered with the Nursing and
Midwifery Council was undertaken in 2005, to establish baseline
data about their current roles and activities. After one reminder,
1459 replies were received, representing a 46% response rate overall.
This survey revealed two broad patterns of universal service provision
to mothers with new babies; one comprehensive and one more restricted.
3.2 The comprehensive service pattern seemed
to apply in around 40% of areas. This consisted of a package of
antenatal and post-natal home visits (up to four in total) and
of group and clinic based activities, such as post-natal support
groups, baby massage and other community events to which new parents
could be invited. Respondents indicated that this universal service
should meet the needs of most new parents, but if additional needs
were identified, a range of services, including extra visits and
specific group or community support activities, would be available.
However, only 49% agreed that it was always feasible to deliver
the core service.
3.3 The restricted service pattern, apparent
in the remaining areas, revealed a core service consisting of
only one visit, 10-14 days after the new birth was notified, baby
clinics and child protection services. There were some groups
and community services available in these places, but they were
less prevalent than in the "comprehensive" areas. Overall,
the absence of an antenatal visit predicted fewer postnatal visits;
and fewer home visits predicted a smaller number of groups and
community activities. In the opinion of 42%, it was not always
feasible to deliver the core service, and most families would
be unlikely to have their needs met by this restricted pattern
of core services. Although additional services were said to be
available once specific needs had been identified, it was not
always feasible (30%) to deliver these services either.
3.4 Respondents provided postcode data for
the services they described, and analysis showed some interesting
correlations and contradictions, but limited details of how provision
related to areas of deprivation or other services in an area.
The Burdett Trust for Nursing funded a small extension study to
examine these details, which is reported below.
4. RELATIONSHIP
OF HEALTH
VISITING SERVICES
TO LEVELS
OF DEPRIVATION
OR AVAILABILITY
OF OTHER
SERVICES IN
AN AREA
4.1 Background. Universal health visiting
services are a primary line of defence against social exclusion,
since they reach out to all families with new born babies, providing
support for parents and for parenting at the most vulnerable and
significant period of an infant's life. There is increasingly
strong evidence about the importance of the pre and post-natal
period, and the early years, in determining future health, social
well-being and educational achievement[217].
4.2 As well, there is strong evidence to
suggest that health visitors' preferred approaches of home visiting,
community outreach and group support are very effective in reducing
health inequalities[218],
[219],[220].
4.3 Data from the Millenium Cohort Study
showing that higher income families were more likely to contact
health visitors were used to suggest that health visitors spend
too much time with higher income families[221]
to be effective in their overall role in reducing health inequalities.
4.4 A counter-claim disputed that more time
was, in fact, spent with such families, since so many contacts
are initiated by health visitors rather than their clients. Also,
better off families tend to have short queries that can answered
in a single contact, whereas families with more entrenched problems
need more time, or visits occur as a follow up[222].
4.5 Data from the D-SCOVOR survey (described
above), also suggest that it is unlikely that individual health
visitors are spending most of their time with middle class families,
since six out of ten of their most frequent activities are concerned
with either child protection or social problems. However, the
same survey revealed great inconsistencies in the level of health
visiting service provision across the country. An analysis was
undertaken across three sources of data to try and discern any
rationale for these discrepancies.
4.6 Analysis at Primary Care Trust (PCT)
level. Data gathered by the Family and Parenting Institute (FPI)
were used (with their permission)[223]
to analyse the ratio of health visitors to children under five
years, of age against the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD).
IMDs are intended as a measure of deprivation within small areas,
so caution must be exercised when using them to reflect larger
geographical areas. Also, health visiting caseloads are usually
organized around "natural areas" such as housing estates
or GP catchment areas, rather than the Super Output Areas (SOAs)
used for IMD scores.
4.7 The ratio of health visitors (full time
equivalent) to children under five was calculated from data provided
to the FPI under the Freedom of Information Act, and relates to
staffing levels in December 2006. Whilst this provides an average
"caseload" size for each full time equivalent (FTE)
health visitor, specific team and corporate working arrangements
vary from one PCT to another. There were missing data from six
PCTs; two of those who supplied no information are in the most
deprived quartile of areas. Figure 2 shows the rank of caseload
sizes against the average IMD score for each PCT.
4.8 Primary Care Trusts (PCTs) were mapped
to the IMD scores in 2004, but since then PCTs have been reconfigured,
often merging into larger organizations, so further mapping was
carried out to current (2007) configurations. The averaging process
created some minor anomalies similar to that found in "rounding"
of figures. Also, since PCTs extend across large population areas,
most will encompass some areas of great deprivation and some areas
of relative affluence. Detailed figures for the average score
and "best fit" of both the IMD scores and ranks of PCTs
are available onhttp://www.kcl.ac.uk/schools/nursing/research/population/deprivation.
Figure 2. Health visiting caseload size
against IMD score

4.9 As shown in Figure 2, there is no apparent
connection between distribution of health visiting services and
levels of deprivation
4.9.1 Health visitors in 36 PCTs had full time
equivalent caseloads of between 160.76 and 281.07 children under
5 years old; 14 of these PCTs fell in the most deprived quartile
of areas, by IMD score (between 29.31 and 49.42) and rank (between
7 and 67)
4.9.2 Health visitors in 36 PCTs had full
time equivalent caseloads of between 281.21 and 328.44 children
under 5 years old; 10 of these PCTs fell in the most deprived
quartile of areas, by IMD score (between 29.3 and 48.91) and rank
(between 8 and 75.75)
4.9.3 Health visitors in 36 PCTs had full
time equivalent caseloads of between 332.57 and 405.61 children
under 5 years old; 8 of these PCTs fell in the most deprived quartile
of areas, by IMD score (between 28.56 and 35.39) and rank (between
44 and 72)
4.9.4 Health visitors in 36 PCTs had full
time equivalent caseloads of between 405.68 and 1,355.7 children
under 5 years old; 10 of these PCTs fell in the most deprived
quartile of areas, by IMD score (between 30.74 and 52.16) and
rank (between 3 and 62.6).
4.10 There is a strong positive rank correlation
(Spearman's Rho = +0.807, pð<ñ0.001) between
the number of health visitors and the number of children. The
next strongest correlation between the local system measures and
the IMD fields is weaker but telling: Rho= +0.318, pð<ñ0.001
between PCT deprivation rank and the number of children under
5.
4.11 The PCTs ranked 1-30 (the 20% most
deprived) have a mean of 15,089 children, and those ranked 121-150
(the 20% least deprived) have a mean of 26,166 children (t-test,
pð<ñ0.001). In other words, there are many more
children living in areas that are not very deprived, with implications
for the universal service. It would be expected that health visitors
working in those areas would have less opportunity to meet many
families in severe need. In turn, needy families living in such
areas are harder to identify, except through a universal service.
4.12 The ratio of children to health visitors
shows a smaller effect. The least deprived areas have slightly
more health visitors per child than the most deprived areas, the
difference being about 67 children per health visitor (327.7 vs.
394.4). This is significant at p=0.020 (ie pð<ñ0.05),
but the ratio varies much less than the variations in numbers
of children or in deprivation.
4.13 In their responses to the FPI, many PCTs rounded
the number of children to the nearest 500 or even 1000, which
tends to reduce the reliability of the calculations. Only the
most significant items are reported above, because of the margin
for error introduced by "rounding" of IMD scores and
ranks in mapping from their original source to PCTs.
4.14 D-SCOVOR survey data were analysed
with the associated IMD scores, but there seemed little logic
behind the distributions at a strategic level.
4.15 In these data, health visitors in the
most deprived areas spend most time with homeless people (rank
correlation). They are also more likely to liaise with Sure Start
(t-test with unequal variances, p ð<ñ 0.001,
mean difference in IMD 7.3). This would match expectations, because
Sure Start Local Programmes (SSLPs) were first established in
the most deprived areas, which is also where most homeless people
are likely to be found. This points to some lasting benefit to
the NHS role in reducing health inequalities, where SSLPs have
been established and expanded their influence.
4.16 Those health visitors who liaise with
Sure Start have significantly more frequent contact with pregnant
teenagers and with pre-school Children (U-test, both p ð<ñ
0.001). A small subset of the respondents (n=47) had the most
frequent contact (all the time) with pregnant teenagers: they
worked in areas where the IMD scores are especially high (t-test
for this small sample, unequal variances, p = 0.009: mean difference
in deprivation score 6.8). This group included specialists focusing
solely on that (young parents) population.
4.17 Health visitors in the most deprived
areas also reported spending most time on administrative work
(rank correlation). This is unsurprising given the additional
documentation associated with child protection procedures and
with referring clients to other services, such as social work
or housing support.
4.18 Health visitors in the most deprived
areas also make the fewest types of home visit, although not necessarily
the fewest visits overall. D-SCOVOR only revealed data about the
number of scheduled core services, not how faithfully they were
carried out or how many additional visits were made. The extent
to which the respondents felt their service was likely to meet
most needs on their caseload was significantly correlated with
the number of scheduled home visits (more likely to be "sufficient"
if more visits are scheduled).
4.19 Neither the amount of group work nor
the "core service" items were correlated at all with
deprivation scores. Where an antenatal visit was offered by the
service, significantly more postnatal visits were also scheduled
(median values 1/4 three vs. two visits; Mann-Whitney U test,
Po0:001). The existence of a scheduled antenatal visit was, therefore,
a marker for a more comprehensive core service, but this was not
related to level of deprivation (t-test), nor was the presence
or not of 1-5 post-natal visits.
4.20 In other words, service planning, set
at PCT level, did not appear to take into account the need to
schedule more visits or groups in deprived areas. Instead, assessments
and planning of services would be entirely dependent upon the
professional judgement and commitment of the health visitor.
4.21 Health visitors working in the most
deprived areas appear to be focusing on those families who are
most in need, sometimes because they are employed to provide a
selective service targeting vulnerable groups. However, (bearing
in mind limitations reported by respondents) once a need had been
identified by the health visitor, it is quite likely that she
would be unable to respond appropriately.
4.22 Finally a selection of Children's and
Young People's Plans (CYPPs) was examined, to see if they provide
any evidence at the planning level to explain the discrepancies
and apparently ad hoc development of health visiting service levels
and organization.
4.23 This review focused on the 10 PCTs
with the best ratio of health visitors to pre-school children,
then the 10 worst. A further 10 PCTs were systematically drawn
from the list, choosing each 10th PCT. Local authorities are required
to develop CYPPs, which are joint planning and commissioning documents;
PCTs have a duty to co-operate in this exercise[224].
4.24 The plans all reflected the framework
provided, but varied in the amount of detail provided. All identified
the areas that needed to be targeted as a result of deprivation,
particularly where Sure Start Local Programmes were in place.
4.25 Although the needs were highlighted,
specific details about how they were to be met were generally
absent. Levels of co-operation between PCTs also appeared variable,
reflected not only in the amount of detail about health-led services,
but also in the absence of information about the impact that health
services might have on later years.
4.26 In general, professionals and specific
services were mentioned only in passing or as examples of how
a strategic priority might be achieved. It was unsurprising, therefore,
that health visitors and health visiting services were rarely
mentioned, except to cite their universal availability. However,
there was little to explain what that "universality"
meant, exactly, in terms of service availability to parents and
children.
4.27 More surprising, was the paucity of
information relating to infants and pre-school children in general;
they were barely mentioned beyond the provision of Sure Start
Local Programmes and acknowledgement of the need for a "Foundation
Stage Strategy." It would appear there is a need for commissioners
developing these plans to be provided with a more in-depth insight
into the importance (as outlined above) of early prevention and
the impact of infancy and the pre-school years on the rest of
a child's life and on later health inequalities.
5. CONCLUSIONS
5.1 Although this study is small and specific
to a single occupational group (health visitors) and the population
they serve (mainly families with pre-school children) it illustrates
the way that specific barriers within the NHS operate to inhibit
its role in reducing health inequalities.
5.2 There is strong guidance from government
that health inequalities are a high priority for PCTs, very strong
evidence that preventive services focused upon all mothers with
young children is the best known approach to reducing health inequalities,
and that health visitors are the best placed occupational group
to deliver this form of support. Yet health visiting services
are provided inconsistently, with patchy and underdeveloped services
that are rapidly reducing, reflecting the absence of any NHS imperative
to provide preventive or health promoting services.
5.3 Whilst noting the need to increase health
visiting numbers[225],
the primary response from government to the reduction in health
visiting numbers was to draw attention to the increase in other
primary care nursing numbers[226].
This is supports a widespread and erroneous belief in the NHS,
that curative, treatment services are a good substitute for skilled
public health, preventive services. If the NHS is to play any
meaningful part in the reduction of health inequalities, this
belief must be challenged.
5.4 Despite joint PSA targets, the policy
requirement for PCTs and Local Authorities to collaborate in the
provision of children's services appears inconsistent in the way
it is being implemented. Educational authorities and early years
services rarely include under-3s, and relevant outcomes are for
local authorities, not the NHS. Joint targets do not automatically
lead to consistency in service planning.
5.5 There appears to be a widespread lack
of awareness of the crucial period of pre-natal to three years
of age in reducing health inequalities, and of the evidence about
how to influence this period. Evidence of need and of suitable
interventions for reducing inequalities are lacking across the
NHS, particularly in relation to children's services.
5.6 Measures of effectiveness in tackling
inequalities are badly needed. Information for auditing the effectiveness
of services affecting the health and life chances of children
is in very short supply[227].
A broad study conducted and implemented in Ireland provides helpful
guidance and relevant indicators that might be adopted in the
UK[228].
5.7 To offset the inconsistencies revealed
in the small study reported here, some interim guidance has been
developed and published about how best to commission to generic
health visiting services, which it is hoped might be supported
by government. The principles might have wider currency in terms
of guidance for preventive services[229],[230].
January 2008
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